Why Nicolás Maduro Clings to Power
Andrea G
Moisés Naím and Francisco Toro / The Atlantic
Maduro has no clue how to reverse any of the multiple crises he has set off. At this point, the goal of staying in power is just to be in power.
Read MoreUse the form on the right to contact us.
You can edit the text in this area, and change where the contact form on the right submits to, by entering edit mode using the modes on the bottom right.
123 Street Avenue, City Town, 99999
(123) 555-6789
email@address.com
You can set your address, phone number, email and site description in the settings tab.
Link to read me page with more information.
Filtering by Category: The Atlantic
Moisés Naím and Francisco Toro / The Atlantic
Maduro has no clue how to reverse any of the multiple crises he has set off. At this point, the goal of staying in power is just to be in power.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
The good news is that much of the world is fed up with corruption. The bad news is that the way many are fighting corruption is ineffective. Too often, the remedy centers on finding and empowering an honest leader who promises to stamp out the problem. Worldwide, candidates for elected offices are running on highly personalized anti-corruption platforms, offering themselves as the solution. What countries really need, though, are smart laws that reduce the incentives and opportunities for corruption. They also need strong institutions that enforce those laws and deprive corrupt officials, and their private-sector accomplices, of impunity in their efforts to get rich at the public’s expense.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Economic progress and increased prosperity do not always buy more political stability.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
And removing him from office won’t ease the country’s misery.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Around the world, politicians can follow a simple recipe to present themselves as saviors of “the people.”
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
In 2016, Russia used the American system against itself.
Read MoreMoisés Naím y Francisco Toro / The Atlantic
Scenes from daily life in the failing state
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
How globalization exacerbated the wildly different problems of Zika, ISIS, and Donald Trump.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
It’s not all about politics, and in fact it’s an extraordinary city.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
There are many reasons why bad ideas endure, but perhaps the most important is people’s need to believe in a leader amid rapid change.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Putin has turned a bombing campaign into new diplomatic leverage that can be deployed against sanctions.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Democracy is not defined by what happens on Election Day, but rather by how the government behaves in between elections.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
After visiting Argentina in the 1970s, the novelist V.S. Naipaul reflected on the “colonial mimicry” of Buenos Aires. “Within the imported metropolis there is the structure of a developed society. But men can often appear to be mimicking their functions,” he wrote. “So many words have acquired lesser meanings in Argentina: general, artist, journalist, historian, professor, university, director, executive, industrialist, aristocrat, library, museum, zoo: so many words seem to need inverted commas.”
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Latin America has gone from a period of prosperity to a period of peril. Between 2004 and 2013, the region experienced extraordinary economic growth and social progress. Demand—mostly from Asia—for the commodities that constitute the region’s main exports increased sharply, pushing up both the prices of those exports and the volumes traded. Revenues from this trade, in turn, stimulated regional economies and helped fill governments’ coffers. This unprecedented demand coincided with a period of very low interest rates, abundant credit, and surging foreign investment flows into Latin America.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Pope Francis and Chinese President Xi Jinping are, in many ways, worlds apart. One is the spiritual leader of 1.2 billion Catholics (over 40 percent of whom reside in Latin America) and the other presides over 1.4 billion Chinese. Pope Francis is a religious leader and Xi Jinping is a political one.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Donald Trump and Alexis Tsipras couldn’t be more different. The sexagenarian Trump is an unabashed capitalist while the 40-year-old Greek prime minister joined the Communist Party as a teenager and since 2009 has led the radical-left Syriza party. The ostentatious American parades his multiple mansions and his fortune, which Forbes had the temerity to value at a meager $4 billion despite Trump’s claims that it “is in excess of TEN BILLION DOLLARS.” Tsipras, an engineer who has spent most of his life as a political activist, lives in a modest apartment in a working-class neighborhood of Athens. The prime minister rarely wears a tie, whereas the Donald J. Trump Collection offers “the pinnacle of style and prestige in the form of men’s suits, dress shirts, cuff links, neckwear, belts, eyewear, and more.” During political rallies, Trump likes to extol wealth while Tsipras denounces the growing gap between rich and poor.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Friday, June 26 was a day of terror. In Tunisia, a gunman killed 38 tourists, nearly all of them European, at a beach resort. In Kuwait, a suicide bomber murdered 27 people at a Shiite mosque. In France, an assailant decapitated his boss and attempted to blow up a chemical plant. ISIS claimed responsibility for the first two attacks; the perpetrator of the third appears to have ties to radical Islamist groups.
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
This month, two years after his massive leak of NSA documents detailing U.S. surveillance programs, Edward Snowden published an op-ed in The New York Times celebrating his accomplishments. The “power of an informed public,” he wrote, had forced the U.S. government to scrap its bulk collection of phone records. Moreover, he noted, “Since 2013, institutions across Europe have ruled similar laws and operations illegal and imposed new restrictions on future activities.” He concluded by asserting that “We are witnessing the emergence of a post-terror generation, one that rejects a worldview defined by a singular tragedy. For the first time since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, we see the outline of a politics that turns away from reaction and fear in favor of resilience and reason.”
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Sepp Blatter has been called the “most powerful man in sports.” But until recently, the nature—and durability—of that power was poorly understood. This past week, it was striking to watch Blatter, the long-serving strongman at FIFA, run the global soccer organization and get reelected to a fifth presidential term as if nothing had happened—as if the lieutenants surrounding him hadn’t just been accused of corruption and arrested by Swiss and American authorities, the latest in a series of scandals and corruption allegations that had tarnished the federation’s reputation for years. Ahead of easily winning the contest for FIFA’s highest office on Friday, Blatter said, “We don’t need revolutions but we always need evolutions. … I will fix FIFA.”
Read MoreMoisés Naím / The Atlantic
Will the United States remain the most powerful country in the world? Many think not. Those who feel this way also tend to think that China’s ascent will lead to America’s decline. Harvard professor Joseph Nye, who is not a declinist, begins his new book Is the American Century Over? noting that “in recent years, polls showed that in 15 of 22 countries surveyed, most respondents said that China either will replace or has already replaced the United Sates as the world’s leading power.” Its giant landmass and billion-strong population, combined with rapid economic, social, and military progress over the last few decades, make China an obvious candidate to overtake the United States as the primary shaper of world affairs. But the attention in the United States to China and other foreign threats obscures an important fact: America’s diminishment as a world power may be driven as much by the fraying of its domestic politics and chronic institutional gridlock as by the rise of rivals abroad.
Read More